KIM
IL SUNG
ON
SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION IN THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
AND THE SOUTH KOREAN REVOLUTION
Lecture
at the “Ali Archam” Academy of Social Sciences of Indonesia
April
14, 1965
In
the past our country was a backward colonial and semi-feudal society
ruled by Japanese imperialism. Now, after its liberation from
Japanese imperialist colonial rule, Korea has been divided into north
and south because of the US imperialist occupation of south Korea.
Since
liberation, north and south Korea have traversed diametrically
different roads. North Korea, where the people took power into their
hands, has vigorously proceeded along the road of national
independence and progress, while south Korea under the domination of
the US imperialists has again taken the road of colonial slavery and
reaction. We have freed one half of the country, where we are
building a new life. But the other half is still occupied by foreign
imperialist aggressive forces, and the national-liberation revolution
on a nationwide scale is still unfinished.
So,
the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Korean people are today faced
with two revolutionary tasks.
One
is to build socialism in the northern half of our country and the
other is to liberate south Korea from US imperialist colonial rule
and achieve the country’s reunification. ‘
These
two revolutionary tasks are closely interrelated and the struggle
for their fulfilment is a struggle to expedite the ultimate victory
of the Korean revolution as a whole. The aim of the Korean communists
is to reunify their country, carry out the socialist revolution and
socialist construction on a nationwide scale, and then build
communism. Our Party, leading the entire Korean people, is striving
to achieve this aim.
At
present, however, different situations prevail in north and south
Korea and their revolutions are in different stages of development.
Therefore, at the present stage, the revolutionary tasks in north and
south Korea must naturally differ, although the Korean revolution is
an integral whole. In other words, the immediate revolutionary task
in north Korea is to build socialism, whereas the immediate task in
south Korea is to carry out the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal
democratic revolution.
We
have energetically promoted the socialist revolution and socialist
construction in the northern half of the Republic, rejecting the
erroneous view that north Korea should wait until south Korea is
liberated and should not advance the revolution further because south
Korea is under US imperialist occupation and our country is not
reunified. Meanwhile, we are resolutely against any tendency to
forget the revolution in south Korea and the task of reunifying the
country while thinking exclusively of socialist construction in the
north and being satisfied with its achievements. We have always
adhered to the principled stand with which to steadily consolidate
north Korea politically, economically and militarily, regarding it as
the base for the Korean revolution, and, at the same time, to
endeavour to accomplish the south Korean revolution by helping the
people in their revolutionary struggle, to bring about national
reunification and to complete the revolution to the end
throughout the country.
-
ON THE COURSE OF PROGRESS OF SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION IN THE NORTHERN HALF OF THE REPUBLIC
Since
the first days of the seizure of power, our Party has worked hard to
convert the northern half into a reliable base for the Korean
revolution by accelerating the revolution and construction in the
already liberated northern half to the fullest in accordance with the
lawful requirements of social development and, at the same time, by
building up powerful internal revolutionary forces there. All the
revolutionary struggle and construction work we have carried out in
the north have been geared to the implementation of this consistent
policy of our Party.
In
the northern half of our country the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal
democratic revolution was successfully completed in a year or two
following liberation. As a result, the north, based on the victory of
the democratic revolution, entered the period of gradual transition
to socialism. The socialist revolution and socialist construction in
the north hit their stride in the postwar years as the subjective and
objective conditions further improved.
Our
Party and people started building a new society under the conditions
which consisted of a backward economy and culture inherited from the
old society, a country having been divided into north and south, and
a frontal confrontation with the US imperialist forces of aggression.
Moreover, we went through a grim three-year war against the armed
invasion of the US imperialists and their lackeys. All this caused
untold difficulties and complications to our revolutionary struggle
and construction work.
After
the Korean armistice we were faced with the difficult task of rapidly
restoring the ruined national economy and rebuilding the shattered
lives of the people in a short period of time, while actively pushing
ahead with the socialist revolution.
The
war damage in our country was indescribably devastating. The US
imperialists had dropped an average of 18 bombs on every square
kilometre of north Korea, thus reducing our towns and villages to
heaps of rubble. Industry, agriculture, railway transport and all
other branches of the national economy were completely destroyed and
so were educational, cultural and public health establishments. The
people had lost practically all their homes, furniture and household
goods, and were also very short of food and clothing.
In
fact, our position was so difficult and we had to face so many
complex problems at that time that we were quite at a loss what to
tackle first.
Under
the circumstances, the most important thing was clearly to determine
the orientation and the order of priority in reconstruction, and to
identify the main link correctly and concentrate our efforts on it.
Considering
heavy industry the main link for the successful solution of all
problems of postwar reconstruction, our Party put forward the line of
ensuring the priority growth of heavy industry simultaneously with
the development of light industry and agriculture. Also, in
developing industry, heavy industry in particular, the Party ensured
priority to the rehabilitation of those branches which were essential
to our national economy and the people’s living standards at the
time, and which could produce immediate economic results. In
agriculture, stress was laid on the production of grain in order to
solve the food problem, one of the most pressing problems in the
postwar period, at the earliest possible date, while carrying out the
socialist cooperativization of the individual peasant economy.
The
Three-Year Plan for Postwar Rehabilitation and Development of the
National Economy (1954-56) was drawn up precisely in accordance with
this line and policy, and the whole Party and all the people set to
work on its fulfilment.
The
anti-Party elements lurking within the Party, and the revisionists
and dogmatists at home and abroad, were very critical of the line of
ensuring the priority growth of heavy industry simultaneously with
the development of light industry and agriculture. They cast slurs on
our Party line, alleging that “Too much stress is being put on the
building of heavy industry while the people are leading a hard life,”
“Machines will not give us food,” and the like. Their argument
was that everything had to be applied to immediate consumption
without their being in the least concerned about the future. It was,
in the final analysis, aimed at preventing our country from building
its own economic foundations.
Our
Party resolutely rejected such argument and firmly adhered to the
line it had adopted. In this, the Party intended to create, in a
short period of time using every possible means, an economic basis
which would enable us to stand on our own feet, while improving the
lowered living standard of the people as soon as possible.
Needless
to say, it was a very difficult task to solve the question of the
people’s standard of living while at the same time laying the
economic foundations, since everything was destroyed and everything
was in short supply. But we could not deviate from the demands of the
revolution because of these difficulties, nor could we sacrifice the
vital interests of the country and the people for a moment’s rest.
The
Party trusted our people who had been tempered in the flames of war
and had rallied firmly around it, and considered that it was
definitely possible to carry out the task if the strength of the
masses of the people and all the resources of the country were
enlisted to the full, and effective use was made of the aid from
fraternal countries. Under the leadership of the Party our working
people, surmounting manifold difficulties by tightening their
belts and waging a hard struggle, overfulfilled the postwar
Three-Year Plan before the scheduled time.
As
a result, the people’s living standard improved considerably, and
industrial and agricultural production not only matched, but also far
exceeded, the prewar levels. Big strides were also made in the
socialist transformation of the old relations of production,
particularly in the cooperativization of agriculture.
True,
our success was only a start and our economic situation was still
difficult in those days. But having finished the postwar
rehabilitation work, we were able to live on the assets which we
ourselves had created and advance socialist construction more
energetically.
Having
completed the Three-Year Plan, we embarked on the Five-Year Plan in
1957. This was a plan to complete the building of the basis of
socialism in our country.
On
the basis of the successes and experiences already gained in
socialist transformation, our Party put forward the task of
completing the cooperativization of agriculture and the socialist
transformation of private trade and industry in the Five-Year Plan
period.
The
most important task of the Five-Year Plan in socialist construction
was to lay foundations for socialist industrialization and solve the
problems of food, clothing and housing for the people on the whole.
As a result of the successful fulfilment of the postwar Three-Year
Plan, our country went over from the period of rehabilitating the
national economy to that of its technical reconstruction.
Designating the Five-Year Plan as the first stage of technical
reconstruction, the Party decided to lay the basis for socialist
industrialization in this period and thus further consolidate the
foundations of an independent national economy and prepare the
material and technical conditions for equipping all branches of the
national economy with modern technology in the future. At the same
time, we directed enormous efforts towards grain production, the
textile industry and housing construction in order to solve the
problems of food, clothing and housing which are basic necessities
for the people’s life.
At
the outset of the Five-Year Plan, we were faced with new
difficulties and trials.
As
everyone knows, the period of 1956-57 was the time when modern
revisionism raised its head on a wide scale in the international
communist movement and the world imperialists and international
reactionaries, taking advantage of it, unleashed an extensive
“anti-communist” campaign. In our country at that time the
US imperialists entrenched in south Korea and their lackeys kept pace
with the international “anti-communist” campaign and stepped up
their reactionary offensive against the northern half of the Republic
as never before. The anti-Party revisionist elements within the Party
also attacked it, taking advantage of the complex situation and
backed by outside forces. The anti-Party elements and their
supporters abroad—revisionists and great-power chauvinists—joined
forces in opposition to our Party and engaged in conspiracies to
overthrow the leadership of our Party and Government.
Over
and above this, our economic construction was also beset with a
multitude of difficulties. We were short of materials and funds to
carry out the enormous Five-Year Plan, and the people’s life was
also still hard at the time.
How
to tide over the complex situation, and with what resources, was the
most serious problem before us.
We
had no alternative but to rely on our Party members and people.
Trusting its members and the masses, our Party decided to ride out
the difficulties and trials ahead by enlisting their support.
And
so, while building up its ranks more firmly and uniting the entire
people more closely around it and thereby dealing a decisive
counterblow to the offensive of the enemies of all kinds both within
and without, the Party directed its main effort to the economic
construction of socialism. Under the prevailing situation, our Party
intended to rouse the whole Party and the entire people to activity
to consolidate the positions of our revolution as firmly as a rock
and bring about a great upsurge in socialist construction and, in so
doing, completely crush all the offensives of internal and external
enemies and open up an even wider vista for the revolution and
construction work in our country.
According
to this line of the Party, the December 1956 Plenary Meeting of the
Party Central Committee, known as a historic plenary meeting in our
country, discussed and made decisions on the first year’s tasks of
the Five-Year Plan and ways and means for their implementation. After
the plenary meeting, the members of the Presidium of the Party
Central Committee and all other cadres went out to factories and
villages, where they gave the working people a full report on our
difficult situation and roused them to a heroic struggle to overcome
the difficulties and trials.
Our
Party members and working people came out resolutely in support and
defence of the Party Central Committee and, by mounting a titanic
struggle in response to the Party’s appeal, brought about a great
change on all fronts of socialist construction. Everywhere they
tapped immense reserves and potentialities, performed feats of labour
that had been unthought of in the past, and worked miracles.
Industrial output rose 40-50 per cent a year, and in agriculture
bumper harvests were reaped year after year. Our towns and villages
changed their appearance by the day and the people’s life improved
rapidly.
This
being the situation, the enemy’s “anti-communist” offensive and
the anti-Party elements’ attack went by the board altogether, and
those who had been vilifying us were also silenced. Meanwhile, the
prestige of our Party grew among the masses as never before, our
internal unity was further strengthened and socialist construction in
our country progressed at a tremendous rate. We turned, so to speak,
a misfortune into a blessing through struggle.
This
is how the great upsurge in socialist construction and the Chollima
Movement started in our country.
By
maintaining the momentum of socialist construction and the Chollima
Movement, we fulfilled the vast Five-Year Plan far ahead of schedule.
By 1958 agricultural cooperativization and the socialist
transformation of private trade and industry were already
completed almost simultaneously without impediment. As regards
production, the Five-Year Plan was fulfilled in only two and a half
years in terms of the total value of industrial output, and it was
fulfilled or overfulfilled in four years in indices of products.
With
the fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan, our country was converted into
a socialist industrial-agricultural state with the firm foundation of
an independent national economy. Socialist relations of production
came to hold undivided sway in towns and the countryside, while the
base of heavy industry, with the machine-building industry as its
core, and the base of light industry were laid. Agriculture, too, was
put on a firm foundation of production. The people’s living
standards improved and all people were freed from any worry or care
about food, clothing and housing. In this way, the historic task of
laying the foundations of socialism was accomplished triumphantly in
the northern half of our country.
The
Fourth Congress of our Party summed up the results achieved in the
fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan and put forward the Seven-Year Plan
(1961-67), a magnificent programme of socialist construction. The
Seven-Year Plan period, it may be said, marks the decisive stage in
socialist construction in the northern half of our country.
The
fundamental task of the Seven-Year Plan is to carry out the all-round
technical and cultural revolutions on the basis of the triumphant
socialist system, thereby laying the solid material and technical
foundations of socialism and greatly improving the material and
cultural life of the people.
In
a country like ours, which had no industrial revolution and did not
go through the normal capitalist stage of development in the past,
the technical revolution becomes an especially important task in the
period of socialist construction. In accordance with the urgent
demands of social development, we have completed the socialist
transformation of production relations prior to the technical
reconstruction of the national economy, thereby opening up a broad
avenue for developing the productive forces, particularly for
carrying out the technical revolution. By building the basis of
socialist industrialization during the Five-Year Plan, we also laid
the material and technical foundations for the all-round technical
reconstruction of the national economy. In this way it has become the
central problem in the Seven-Year Plan to carry out socialist
industrialization completely and provide all branches of the national
economy with modern technology.
With
the fulfilment of the Seven-Year Plan our
country
will
become a socialist industrial state and will have established an
independent national economy developed in a many-sided way. As for
the people’s standard of living, the problems of food, clothing and
housing will be solved more satisfactorily.
In
the past four years, our working people have already achieved great
successes in carrying out the Seven-Year Plan, and they are carrying
on a sustained, vigorous struggle for its fulfilment.
Needless
to say, it is by no means easy to fulfil our Seven-Year Plan, for
this is a huge plan and, moreover, we are building the economy
against the background of a complex domestic and foreign situation.
Because we had to make great efforts to strengthen our defence
capabilities still further in order to cope with the prevailing
situation in the past two or three years, the economic development of
our country, in particular, fell somewhat behind schedule.
Nevertheless,
our people under the leadership of the Party will fulfil the
Seven-Year Plan at all costs by working even harder.
-
ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SOCIALIST SYSTEM
To
abolish or reorganize the old relations of production based on
private ownership and ensure that the socialist relations of
production hold undivided sway is the basic content of the socialist
revolution. In our country the establishment of socialist relations
of production was accomplished through a number of revolutionary
reforms—expropriating the property of the imperialists and their
stooges, cooperativizing individual peasant farming on the basis of
abolishing the feudal relations of land ownership, and transforming
private trade and industry along socialist lines.
In
formerly backward, colonial agrarian countries like ours, where the
peasants made up the absolute majority of the population, the
transformation of the socio-economic relations in the countryside is
of special importance in building a new society.
The
most pressing revolutionary task that faced us immediately after
liberation was to do away with the feudal relationships predominant
in the countryside.
We
freed the productive forces in agriculture from their feudal shackles
and emancipated the peasants from exploitation and enslavement
by the landlords by carrying out agrarian reform in a draconian
manner—confiscating the landlords’ land without compensation and
distributing it among the peasants at no cost. This was a
revolutionary change of great significance not only in the speedy
development of agriculture and the improvement of the peasants’
standard of living, but also in the strengthening of the
worker-peasant alliance and the democratization of the country’s
political, economic and cultural life as a whole.
The
abolition of the feudal relationships, however, is only the first
step in solving the rural question. As a result of agrarian reform,
the small-commodity-producing economy of the individual peasants
became predominant in our countryside. As is generally known, so
long as small peasant farming predominates, the productive forces are
bound to run up against certain limits in their development, and
exploitation and poverty cannot be stamped out completely. In order
to free the productive forces in agriculture completely from the
fetters of the old production relations and emancipate the peasants
once and for all from exploitation and oppression of every
description, it is necessary to carry out socialist cooperativization
in agriculture.
In
our country, the cooperativization of agriculture became the most
urgent requirement in the postwar period. Because of the war,
agriculture was severely ravaged and there was a great shortage of
manpower and draught animals. If, under such conditions, individual
peasant farming had been left undisturbed, it would have been
impossible to restore the agricultural productive forces quickly, to
improve the peasants’ standard of living, or, what is more, to
solve the problem of the impoverished peasants whose number had
further increased during the war. Most of them were then at the end
of their tether, finding it absolutely impossible to farm without
joining forces in one way or another. Meanwhile, the socialist state
economy, which occupies the leading position in our national economy,
was exerting a great influence on individual peasant farming and, in
particular, we were able to give material assistance to the peasants’
cooperative movement by relying on the fast-developing socialist
industry. As for the balance of class forces in the rural areas, the
influence of the rich farmers whose economic foundation had been
destroyed in the war was very weak, and, in contrast, our working
peasants, through a protracted revolutionary struggle and the severe
war, were politically awakened and rallied ever more firmly around
the Party.
Taking
all this into account, our Party set agricultural cooperativization
as an immediate task right after the armistice and actively went
ahead with the cooperative movement as the peasants’ enthusiasm
increased.
The
cooperativization of agriculture in our country was successfully
completed in a short period of only four or five years after the war
strictly in accordance with the principles of object lessons and of
spontaneity and thanks to the powerful leadership and assistance
given by the Party and the state.
We
first began with the work of forming, on an experimental basis, a few
cooperatives in each county with poor peasants and rural Party nuclei
who supported cooperativization most actively, and of consolidating
them. This was the experimental stage in our agricultural cooperative
movement. It is of course necessary to study and assimilate the
experiences of other countries in any revolutionary struggle or
construction work, but the most important thing is, in any case,
one’s own experience. Moreover, one cannot start from scratch such
a serious and complex socio-economic reform as agricultural
cooperativization on a large scale, by drawing only on the experience
of others without accumulating a certain amount of experience of
one’s own or merely out of a subjective desire.
During
the experimental stage we were able to determine the proper forms,
methods and tempo of cooperativization suitable to the actual
conditions of our country, and to help our cadres to accumulate
experience and gain confidence in leading the cooperative movement.
By showing the advantages of cooperative farming to the peasants in
practice on the strength of our own experience, we were able to
induce them to join the cooperatives voluntarily on a large scale.
The
leadership and assistance of the working-class party and state are an
indispensable condition for the emergence, consolidation and
development of the socialist system in the rural areas. We
conducted tireless political work among the peasants to lead them
along the road of socialist collectivization, and did everything in
our power to consolidate the organized cooperatives politically and
economically. Our Party’s energetic leadership and the state’s
powerful material assistance to the cooperative movement played a
decisive part in overcoming all the difficulties of the postwar
period and securing a sure victory for the system of socialist
cooperative farming.
Foreign
revisionists and great-power chauvinists and their followers—the
anti-Party factionalists in our country—were also very critical of
our Party’s policy on agricultural cooperativization. They alleged
that agricultural cooperativization was impossible in a situation in
which socialist industrialization had not yet been carried out and
modern farm machinery were not available. They also alleged that the
tempo of agricultural cooperativization was too fast. They did not
know anything about the specific realities of our country and did not
bother to understand them either.
It
is obvious that, had we missed the best opportunity when all
conditions were ripe for the cooperativization of agriculture, and
had we not carried it out rapidly, but waited until we had developed
industry enough to mass-produce modern farm machinery, we might have
failed to restore agriculture quickly, and this, in the long run,
would have retarded the development of industry itself and the
national economy, as a whole, much more.
Our
experience has shown that agricultural cooperativization is possible
when conditions urgently demand a transformation of the old
production relations and when enough revolutionary forces have been
prepared to undertake it, even though modern farm machinery may be
very nearly nonexistent, and that cooperative farming organized in
this way is decidedly superior to individual farming.
The
establishment of socialist production relations in the towns took a
different course from that in the countryside.
In
our country’s economy in the past, industry and other key branches
were monopolized by Japanese imperialist capital, while the
development of national capital was very much restricted. As a
result, right after liberation, the nationalization of industries,
along with agrarian reform, presented itself as an important task of
the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution. We
nationalized the industries, transport facilities,
communications and banks which had been owned by Japanese
imperialists and traitors to the nation, and thereby brought the
country’s basic means of production under the ownership of the
entire people. This was a historic change that wiped out the economic
footholds of foreign imperialism and created a socialist state
economy for the first time in our country.
As
a result of the nationalization of industries, the socialist state
economy assumed the leading position in our national economy, while
capitalist trade and industry which had been insignificant originally
could only play a secondary role. Under these conditions, our Party
followed the policy of drawing capitalist traders and industrialists
into socialist construction and gradually reorganizing their economy,
on the basis of the speedy expansion and development of the socialist
state economy.
After
the war, the socialist transformation of capitalist trade and
industry became a more urgent requirement. Because of the war damage
there was very little capitalist trade and industry left, and even
that was mostly reduced to a fragmented economy with little to
distinguish it from handicrafts and small trade. Right after the
armistice, the entrepreneurs and traders of our country found
themselves in a position where they could neither restore their
economy nor improve their living without relying on the socialist
economy and pooling their efforts and funds.
In
the prevailing situation, our Party introduced the policy of
transforming the economy of the capitalist traders and
industrialists, together with that of handicraftsmen and small
traders, along socialist lines through various types of cooperative
economy. This conformed both to the demands of socialist construction
and to the interests of the entrepreneurs and traders themselves.
Almost all the entrepreneurs and traders, therefore, accepted our
Party’s policy on cooperativization, and the socialist
transformation of private trade and industry was completed in a short
time after the war.
With
the completion of the cooperativization of agriculture and the
socialist transformation of private trade and industry, a socialist
system free from exploitation and oppression was firmly established
in the northern half of our country. This opened a broad avenue for
the rapid development of the country’s productive forces and the
radical improvement of the people’s material and cultural
life. The triumph of the socialist system also created the
socio-economic conditions for the political and moral unity of the
entire people based on the worker-peasant alliance led by the working
class.
-
ON THE ECONOMIC CONSTRUCTION OF SOCIALISM
Economic
construction is a very important task for a Marxist-Leninist party
which has assumed power.
Once
in power, the Marxist-Leninist party assumes responsibility for the
people’s living and is duty bound to systematically improve their
material and cultural well-being. The question of the people’s
living can be solved only when economic construction is carried out
well. Economic construction also creates material conditions for
strengthening the might of the country and for consolidating the
victories already gained in the revolution and further expanding and
developing them. Economic construction in the northern half of our
country, in particular, has a decisive significance not only for
providing a happy life for the people there but also for
strengthening our revolutionary base, the guarantee of the country’s
reunification, and for assisting the people of south Korea in their
revolutionary struggle. From the early days of liberation, therefore,
our Party has made every effort to consolidate the economic
foundations of the country and steadily improve the people’s
standard of living.
In
our country which was formerly under the colonial yoke of
imperialism, to create and develop a modern industry was the most
important exercise in the economic construction of socialism.
During
Japanese imperialist rule our country’s industry was
insignificant. Because of the exclusive sway of Japanese
imperialist capital the development of the national industry was
restricted to the ultimate degree and even our traditional
handicrafts were totally ruined. With the sole aim of plundering
Korea of her resources and bleeding her people white, the Japanese
imperialists built only a few industries producing raw materials and
semi-finished goods in our country. The manufacturing industries were
negligible, and the machine-building industry, in particular, was
practically nonexistent. The technological equipment of industry was
totally obsolete.
It
was this colonial industry which we inherited from the old society,
and even that was utterly destroyed by the war.
In
these circumstances, a modern industry could not be built merely by
rehabilitating and developing the industry which already existed. We
had to put an end to the colonial imbalance of our industry and
radically improve its technological equipment, while ensuring a high
rate of growth in its output.
On
the basis of the nationalization of the major industries which was
carried out immediately after liberation, our Party forcefully
promoted industrial construction and carried out this work on a large
scale particularly in the postwar period. In this way we have
achieved great success in the creation of a modern industry.
The
annual rate of growth of industrial production in the ten postwar
years from 1954 to 1963 averaged 34.8 per cent. Our country’s
industrial output in 1964 was about 11 times that of the prewar year,
1949 and more than 13 times that of the pre-liberation year, 1944.
As
a result of the rapid growth of industrial production, the proportion
of industry in the total value of industrial and agricultural output
jumped from 28 per cent in 1946 to 75 per cent in 1964.
Heavy
industry constitutes the basis for the development of the national
economy. Unless it is developed, light industry and agriculture
cannot be developed, nor can all branches of the national economy be
equipped with modern technology. Specifically, heavy industry is the
material basis for the country’s political and economic
independence, without which we can neither talk about an independent
national economy nor strengthen our national defence capabilities.
Our
Party’s line in regard to the building of heavy industry was to
create our own base of heavy industry which would be equipped with
new technology and would develop by relying mainly on domestic
natural resources and sources of raw materials and would be capable
of supplying the needs of our national economy for materials, raw
materials, fuel, power, machinery and equipment mainly with
locally-produced products.
This
is explicitly a line of creating an independent modern heavy
industry.
The
most important thing in implementing this policy of our Party was to
combine the rehabilitation, reconstruction and new building of heavy
industrial plants in a rational way, and synchronize the development
of heavy industry with that of light industry and agriculture.
The
heavy industry we had operated with technologically obsolete
equipment and was defective and severely damaged. But, for all that,
we could not abandon it. Our Party has followed the policy of
restoring the existing foundation of heavy industry and
reconstructing and expanding it on the basis of modern technology so
as to make the best use of it, and, at the same time, of building new
industries and enterprises which had not previously existed in our
country.
While
steadfastly promoting the priority growth of heavy industry, the
Party has also endeavoured to develop it, not just for the sake of
having it, but in order that it can most effectively serve the
development of light industry and agriculture and the improvement of
the
people’s standard of living.
In
this way we were able to build a powerful heavy industry base with
comparatively little investment in a historically short time and, on
this basis, also develop light industry and agriculture rapidly.
Our
heavy industry now possesses all the key subdivisions, is equipped
with new technology and has its own reliable sources of raw material.
In 1964 our country’s heavy industry produced 12,500 million kwh of
electricity, 14,400,000 tons of coal, 1,340,000 tons of pig and
granulated iron, 1,130,000 tons of steel, more than 750,000 tons of
chemical fertilizer, 2,600,000 tons of cement, and large quantities
of
various
types of means of production, machinery and equipment.
One
of our biggest achievements in the building of heavy industry has
been the creation of our own machine-building industry.
The
revisionists, talking about “international division of labour”,
opposed our Party’s line on the building of heavy industry and
maintained, among other things, that our country did not need to
develop the machine-building industry but should produce only
minerals and other raw materials.
Of
course, we could not follow this kind of advice.
Our
Party had already started building machine factories underground
during the war, and rapidly expanded the machine-building industry
after the war.
Entering
the period of the Five-Year Plan, we set about developing this
industry extensively so as to produce, by ourselves as far as
possible, not only small- and medium-size machinery, equipment and
accessories but also heavy machinery and equipment required by our
national economy.
This
was a very difficult task for us, as we had no experience and lacked
technology. It goes without saying that those who disapproved of the
development of the machine-building industry in our country could not
help us. When we produced tractors, motorcars and other modern
machinery and equipment for the first time, we had to do everything
ourselves, from designing to assembling. Our workers and technicians
met with many a setback, but they gritted their teeth and set to
until at last they succeeded in turning out these machines and
equipment, and were able to mass-produce them. We also launched a
massive let-each-machine-tool-make-more movement to make machine
tools in all places where machine tools were already in existence,
thereby rapidly extending the foundations of the machine-building
industry and, at the same time, convincing our working people that
they were capable of making any type of machines.
Our
country’s machine-building industry was created by means of this
hard-fought struggle. But in the process our working people
accumulated invaluable experience, gained a stronger belief in their
own strength and talents, and showed a still greater attachment for
the machines and equipment they had made with their own hands under
all sorts of difficulties.
And
so, although our country did not have the machine-building industry
in the past, we are now producing most of the machinery and equipment
including generating, chemical and metallurgical equipment,
motorcars, tractors, excavators and other heavy machines and
equipment needed by our national economy. In 1964 the proportion of
the machine-building industry in industrial output was 25.8 per cent
and the rate of domestic supply in machinery and equipment reached
94.3 per cent.
Today
our heavy industry with the machine-building industry as its core,
forms the reliable material foundation to equip all branches of the
national economy with modern technology and to guarantee the
political and economic independence of the country.
Light
industry was one of the most backward sectors in our country. We have
made great efforts to build up our own base of light industry capable
of meeting the needs of our people.
Our
Party’s policy in the production of consumer goods for the people
is to develop small-and medium-scale local industry alongside
large-scale central industry.
We
have built many large-scale central industry plants which constitute
the backbone of light industry, and have constantly strengthened
their technological equipment, thereby actively increasing the
production of various consumer goods.
But
in view of the economic situation of the country, we could not build
many large-scale light industry factories at once. If we had relied
on them alone, we would not have been able to eradicate the
backwardness in light industry quickly nor would we have been able to
meet the rapidly growing needs of the people in any way. A decisive
measure was needed to bring about a change in the production of
consumer goods for the people.
Our
Party, therefore, decided to develop the production of consumer goods
as an all-people movement, and put forward the policy of building
more than one local industry factory in every city or county. The
working people in all parts of the country rose as one to carry
through the Party’s policy and built more than 1,000 in only a few
months without spending a large amount of state funds, by mobilizing
surplus local materials and manpower, with the result that many kinds
of consumer goods were turned out in large quantities. Our country
has now upwards of 2,000 local industry factories, the technological
equipment of which has been improved considerably. Our local industry
accounts for more than half the country’s output of consumer goods.
Our
experience shows that in general it is rational in light industry, in
view of its economic and technological peculiarities, to develop
small- and medium-scale factories alongside the large ones. It also
shows, particularly, that it is an effective way of increasing the
production of consumer goods and rapidly developing industry as a
whole in the backward countries to build many small-scale local
factories which are technologically comparatively simple. The
construction of local industry is also of great importance for the
balanced development of all regions of the country, and especially
for bringing industry closer to agriculture and for the gradual
elimination of the distinctions between town and country.
We
have built our own base for light industry, which consists of central
and local industries, and so we now have the ability to ensure our
people’s living with nationally produced consumer goods. Let us
take only the textile industry, for example. The output of fabrics
increased 195 times that before liberation, with 25metres of various
fabrics being produced per head of the population. The food industry
and the production of consumer goods have also progressed apace.
Our
consumer goods are not yet of high quality and their variety is also
not so wide as is required. But our working people are proud that all
the goods they use are made by their own hands, and they are very
happy to use them. In the near future we will solve the question of
raising the quality of consumer goods on the whole to world standards
and widening their variety even more.
The
rural question occupies a very important place in socialist
construction.
It
is the problem of the socio-economic position of the peasantry as an
ally of the working class, and the problem of the development of the
productive forces in agriculture, one of the two major branches of
the national economy. The completion of socialist agricultural
cooperativization marks a historic landmark in the solution of this
question. But it still does not mean the final solution of the rural
question.
Following
the establishment of the socialist system in rural areas, it becomes
necessary, on the basis of a steady consolidation of this system, to
develop the productive forces in agriculture to a high level, give
the peasants a prosperous life, liquidate the backwardness of the
countryside left over by the exploiter society, and gradually
eliminate the distinctions between town and country.
In
a socialist society, too, agriculture is weaker than industry in its
material and technical foundations; the cultural level of the rural
population is lower than that of the urban population, and the
peasants are behind the workers in ideological consciousness. Because
of this backwardness of the countryside in comparison with the towns,
cooperative property remains the dominant pattern in
agriculture, unlike in industry where the property of the whole
people predominates. And so there is still a class distinction
between the working class and the peasantry. The rural question will
finally be solved only when the distinctions between town and country
and the class distinction between the working class and the peasantry
are eliminated.
For
the successful solution of the rural question in a socialist society,
it is necessary to carry out the technical, cultural and ideological
revolutions thoroughly in the rural areas, strengthen the support for
the countryside in every way, steadily improve the guidance and
management of agriculture, and continuously bring cooperative
property closer to the property of the whole people. Our rural work
has been carried on in accordance with these principles since the
cooperativization of agriculture.
In
the past our country’s agriculture was based on backward mediaeval
techniques. And cooperativization was introduced with practically
no technical reconstruction of agriculture. Thus, the technical
revolution in the countryside became the most urgent problem for the
development of socialist cooperative agriculture.
As
the cooperativization was nearing completion and industry developed,
our Party immediately set about the rural technical revolution.
The
Party defined irrigation, mechanization, electrification and the use
of chemicals as the basic tasks of this revolution, and began with
irrigation.
Since
agriculture, unlike industry, depends largely on natural
geographical conditions, and climatic conditions in particular,
irrigation constitutes the basic guarantee of high and stable
harvests in farming. In the postwar period we carried out large-scale
nature-remaking projects for irrigation in an all-people movement,
investing large amounts of state funds. As a result, we have
basically overcome the damage from drought and flood in agriculture,
and have laid the solid foundation for production free from crop
failure.
Great
success has also been attained in mechanization, electrification and
the use of chemicals. Our countryside now has 20,000 tractors (in
terms of 15 hp units), which means one tractor for every 100 hectares
of crop area and about 300 kilogrammes of chemical fertilizer are
applied to each hectare. In the preliberation days our rural areas
had no electricity, but now it is supplied to 95.5 per cent of all
the rural ri and 81 per cent of all the farmhouses.
While
promoting irrigation, mechanization, electrification and chemical
application, we have exerted untiring efforts to introduce the
achievements of agricultural science and advanced farming technology
extensively and, in particular, to develop intensive methods of
farming.
Thanks
to all this, agricultural production has continued to develop fast in
our country. Grain output has doubled in comparison with the
pre-liberation period. Stockbreeding and other branches of the rural
economy have also made great progress. The food problem, historically
one of our most difficult problems, has been solved in the main and
we have for some years now been self-sufficient in the supply of
food.
As
a result of the development of the productive forces in agriculture
and the vigorous advance of the cultural and ideological revolutions
in the countryside, the appearance of our rural areas has changed,
the living standards of the peasants have improved and their
political awakening and level of consciousness have risen. Our
socialist system of cooperative farming has been further consolidated
and developed and a rational system has also been established in the
guidance and management of agriculture.
Needless
to say, when viewed against the huge tasks of socialist rural
construction, the achievements we have made in rural work are still
in their initial stages. But we have laid the solid foundation for
the construction of a socialist countryside. Besides, from our own
achievements and experiences, we have found the right orientation for
the solution of the socialist rural question, and can clearly
recognize our future tasks in rural work. Our Party and people will
continue to solve the rural question creditably on the basis of what
we have already accomplished and in accordance with the orientation
and tasks laid down.
One
of the most important subjects in socialist construction
in
a backward country is the training of national cadres.
Immediately
after liberation we were very short of national cadres, above all in
technology, and this was one of the biggest obstacles to the state
administration and economic and cultural construction. The question
of national cadres, therefore, was always an acute problem for us.
The
question of old intellectuals is of great importance in building up
the ranks of national technical cadres. Whether or not the old
intellectuals are drawn into the construction of a new society
greatly affects the economic and cultural development of the country,
and this is especially true in the early stage of the revolution.
It
is true that the old intellectuals of our country come mostly from
the propertied classes, and they served the imperialists and
exploiting classes in the past. But, as intellectuals of a colonial
country, they were subjected to oppression and national
discrimination by foreign imperialists and, accordingly, they
already had a revolutionary mettle.
Taking
into full account the important role played by the intellectuals in
the construction of a new society and the characteristics of our’
intellectuals, since the early days of liberation our Party has
pursued the policy of including them and remoulding them into
intellectuals who serve the working people. Inspired by the Party’s
policy, the absolute majority of the old intellectuals came over to
the side of the people after liberation and took an active part in
the revolutionary struggle and construction work. Thus, they have
made a valuable contribution to the economic and cultural
construction of the country and continue to do so.
Through
the persistent education by the Party and the ordeals of the
revolutionary struggle, especially through the trials of the
Fatherland Liberation War against the armed invasion by the US
imperialists, our old intellectuals have now been transformed into
excellent socialist intellectuals and have matured into
important national cadres.
While
reforming the old intellectuals, our Party paid the greatest
attention to the training of new national cadres from among the
working people. With a view to expanding the ranks of national cadres
rapidly, the Party adopted the policy of giving priority to the work
of training cadres and educational work.
Though
we had no experience and were not adequately provided with all the
necessary conditions, we set up many institutions of higher learning,
including Kim Il Sung University, and expanded the network of schools
at all levels on a large scale immediately after liberation.
We
continued to train national cadres even during the grim war years
and, after the war, exerted still greater efforts to this work.
In
our country a system of compulsory primary education was introduced
as early as 1956 and a system of compulsory secondary education was
established in 1958. We will introduce compulsory nine-year technical
education in the coming few years.
Pupils
and students, numbering about one quarter of the total population,
are now studying in more than 9,000 schools of all levels
in
our
country, of whom university students alone number 156,000.
Another
important policy consistently followed by our Party
in
education
and the training of cadres is the close combination of general
education with technical education and of education with productive
labour.
We
have reorganized the former system of secondary education to
establish a system of technical education, and further improved the
content of education, so that all the younger generation can acquire
a certain amount of technological knowledge along with general
knowledge of the fundamentals of science. Our country has also set up
a widespread study-while-work system of education which is made up of
networks of evening schools and correspondence courses, factory
colleges and communist universities with the result that large
numbers of working people are receiving secondary and higher
technical education without being withdrawn from production.
Despite
the country’s difficult economic conditions, we have thus directed
enormous efforts to the training of cadres and to education,
overcoming all difficulties and obstacles, in order to rid ourselves
of backwardness quickly and further accelerate our rate of advance.
As a result, we have been able to build up the ranks of our own
national cadres in a comparatively short period of time, and made
sure of bringing up even large numbers of new cadres in the future.
As of October 1964, the technicians and experts working in all fields
of the national economy of our country numbered more than 290,000.
All factories and enterprises, including large modern plants, are
managed and operated entirely by our own technical cadres.
In
this way we have not only established an advanced, socialist system
in the northern half of the Republic, but have laid the economic and
cultural foundations which enable us to build up the economic life of
our country by our own efforts. This establishes an asset for the
happy life of our people and the future prosperity of our society. It
also shows that we have firmly built up our revolutionary base
politically, economically and culturally, and constitutes a reliable
guarantee for the reunification of our country and for the final
victory of the Korean revolution.
4.
ON THE QUESTIONS OF ESTABLISHING JUCHE FIRMLY AND OF IMPLEMENTING THE
MASS LINE
All
our victories and successes in the socialist revolution and the
building of socialism are attributable to our Party’s
Marxist-Leninist leadership and to the heroic struggle of our people
for the implementation of the Party’s policies.
The
complete establishment of Juche was most important for our Party to
give correct leadership to the Korean people in their revolutionary
struggle and construction work.
To
establish Juche means holding fast to the principle of solving for
Oneself all problems of the revolution and construction in conformity
with the existing conditions in one’s country, and mainly by one’s
own efforts. This is a realistic and creative stand which opposes
dogmatism and applies the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism and the
experience of the international revolutionary movement to one’s
country in conformity with its historical conditions and national
peculiarities. This represents an independent stand of doing away
with the spirit of relying on others, of displaying the spirit of
self-reliance and solving one’s own problems on one’s own
responsibility under all circumstances.
The
Korean communists are making a revolution in Korea. The Korean
revolution is the basic duty of the Korean communists. It is obvious
that we cannot make the Korean revolution when we are ignorant of,
and removed from, the reality of the situation in Korea.
Marxism-Leninism, too, can become a powerful weapon of our revolution
only if it is applied to our country’s reality.
Masters
of the Korean revolution are our Party and our people; the decisive
factor in the victory of the Korean revolution, too, is our own
strength. It is self-evident that we cannot make a revolution by
relying on others, and that others cannot make the Korean revolution
for us. International support and encouragement are important to the
revolution, to be sure, but, above all, work and struggle by
ourselves, the masters, are essential for the advancement of the
revolution and its victorious conclusion.
There
are, in the world, large and small countries and parties with a long
or short history of struggle. Nevertheless, all parties are fully
independent and equal and, on this basis, cooperate closely with each
other. Each party carries on its revolutionary struggle under the
specific circumstances and conditions of its own country; by so doing
it enriches the experience of the international revolutionary
movement and contributes to its further development. The idea of
Juche conforms to this principle of the communist movement, and stems
directly from it.
The
problem of establishing Juche has acquired special importance for the
Korean communists in view of the circumstances and conditions of our
country and the complexity and difficulty of our revolution.
While
resolutely fighting in defence of the purity of Marxism Leninism
against revisionism, our Party has made every effort to establish
Juche in opposition to dogmatism and flunkeyism towards great powers.
Juche in ideology, independence in politics, self-support in the
economy and self-defence in national defence—this is the stand our
Party has consistently adhered to.
Holding
fast to the principles of Marxism-Leninism, our Party studies and
analyses the way things are in Korea and, on this basis, determines
its policies independently. Unrestrained by any existing formulas or
propositions, we boldly put into practice whatever conforms to the
principles of Marxism-Leninism and the circumstances in our country.
We
respect the experiences of other countries, but always take a
critical attitude towards them. So we accept any experience that is
beneficial to us, but reject any that is unnecessary and harmful.
Even when introducing a good practice from another country, we do so
by remodelling and modifying it to suit the actual conditions of our
country.
Our
Party has always maintained an independent stand in its approach to
the international communist movement and, likewise, in its struggle
against modern revisionism in particular. We are resolutely fighting
against modern revisionism, and this fight is invariably conducted on
the basis of our own judgement and conviction and in conformity with
our actual conditions. We consider that only by holding firmly to
such a stand can we correctly wage the struggle against revisionism
and make substantial contributions to the defence of the purity of
Marxism-Leninism and the strengthening of the unity of the
international communist movement.
If
one fails to establish Juche in the ideological and political fields,
one will be unable to display any creative initiative because one’s
faculty of independent thinking will be paralysed, and in the end one
will even be unable to tell right from wrong and will blindly follow
what others do. Anyone who has lost his identity and Chajusong in
this way can fall into revisionism, dogmatism and every description
of Right and “Left” opportunism and can eventually bring the
revolution and construction to naught.
There
was also a time in our country when some of the cadres had been
infected with dogmatism and flunkeyism towards great powers, and they
did quite a bit of harm to our work. The dogmatists disregarded our
conditions without studying them and sought to swallow the experience
of others whole and copy it without thinking. This sort of person,
who simply looked up to others and became accustomed only to copying
them, slid down in the end into national nihilism, where everything
that is his own is disparaged and everything foreign is praised. This
tendency was manifested most seriously on the ideological front.
The dogmatists, instead of studying, explaining and giving publicity
to our Party’s policies, merely echoed other people like parrots.
They even went so far as to deny our people’s history of struggle
and revolutionary traditions, and tried to paralyse the creativity of
our scholars in scientific research work. They also tried to teach
the students what they had copied in toto from others in education,
discarding everything national and spreading only foreign trends in
literature and art.
In
our country the harm done by dogmatism was revealed most glaringly
during the war, and became all the more intolerable in the postwar
period as the socialist revolution and the building of socialism
progressed rapidly. Moreover, it gradually dawned on us in this
period that the revisionist trend creeps in through the medium of
dogmatism.
In
1955, therefore, our Party set forth the definite policy of
establishing Juche, and has been persistently waging an energetic
ideological struggle to carry it through ever since. The year
1955 marked a turning point in our Party’s consistent struggle
against dogmatism. It was also at that time, in fact, that we started
our fight against modern revisionism which had emerged within the
socialist camp. Our struggle against dogmatism was thus linked with
the conflict against modern revisionism.
It
was of paramount importance in establishing Juche to strengthen the
study of Marxism-Leninism among the cadres and Party members and, at
the same time, to equip them firmly with their Party’s ideas, its
policies. We have effectively conducted ideological work among the
cadres and Party members so that all of them think in terms of the
Party’s intentions, make a deep study of Party policies, work in
accordance with them and strive devotedly for their implementation.
Our experience shows that when the Party ranks are firmly united in
both ideology and organization, dogmatism can be overcome, the
infiltration of revisionism can be prevented and all work can be done
creditably in line with the Party’s intentions.
At
the same time, we decisively intensified the study of our country’s
past and present and our people’s revolutionary and cultural
traditions among all the Party members and working people. We saw to
it that in all sectors of the ideological front including science,
education, literature and art, things of our own country are given
priority, national traditions are honoured and our fine national
heritage is carried forward. The advanced culture of other countries
is also introduced, not in its entirety, but through assimilation to
convert it into ours.
These
measures have greatly boosted the national pride of our people and
their awareness of independence, and have led them to reject the
tendency of automatically imitating other people’s ways and to
endeavour to do everything in conformity with the existing conditions
in our country. As a result of the establishment of Juche, science
and technology have progressed with great rapidity, changes have
taken place in the quality of education and the training of cadres,
and a new, socialist national culture, suitable to the life and
sentiments of our people, has blossomed and developed.
While
establishing Juche in the ideological and political spheres, our
Party has, in the economic sphere, held fast to the principle of
self-reliance and the line of building an independent national
economy.
If
one lacks the spirit of self-reliance, one will eventually lose faith
in one’s own strength and make little effort to mobilize one’s
national resources and, accordingly, one cannot carry out the
revolutionary cause. We are engaged in the revolutionary struggle and
construction work with a determination to carry out the Korean
revolution by our own efforts and build socialism and communism in
our country by our own labour and with our own national resources.
Needless
to say, we fully recognize the importance of international support
and encouragement and consider foreign aid a necessity. But we reject
the erroneous ideological viewpoint and attitude of slackening our
own revolutionary struggle while waiting for an advantageous
international opportunity, or of making no effort ourselves
while simply turning to other countries for aid. Both in the
revolutionary struggle and in construction work, self-reliance must
be given priority, while support and encouragement from outside are
regarded as secondary. Only when one strives in this spirit can one
expedite the revolution and construction of one’s country to the
maximum and also contribute to the development of the international
revolutionary movement.
In
the period of postwar rehabilitation our country received economic
and technical aid from fraternal countries amounting to some 500
million rubles (550 million dollars), and this, of course, was of
great help to our reconstruction. But in those days, too, it was our
principle to enlist the forces of our people and our national
resources to the fullest; at the same time we also tried to make
effective use of the aid from the fraternal countries. In fact, it
was our own forces that played the decisive role in postwar
reconstruction. There is no need to make further mention of the
achievements scored
in
the economic construction of our country in subsequent years.
We
have thus laid the solid foundations of an independent national
economy on the principle of self-reliance.
Economic
independence is an indispensable requisite for the building of a rich
and strong and civilized independent state. Without building an
independent national economy, it is impossible to guarantee the firm
political Chajusong of a country, develop the productive forces and
improve the people’s standard of living.
Socialism
means the complete abolition of national inequality along with
class
exploitation, and requires an all-round development of the economy,
science and technology. It is therefore natural that the economy of
socialism should be an independent economy developed
comprehensively.
We
by no means oppose economic cooperation between states or advocate
building socialism in isolation. What we do reject is the great-power
chauvinist tendency to check the independent and comprehensive
development of the economy of other countries and, furthermore, to
subordinate their economy to one’s own on the pretext of “economic
cooperation” and “international division of labour”. We
consider that mutual cooperation should be based on the building of
an independent national economy in each country, and that this alone
makes possible the steady expansion and development of economic
cooperation between states on the principles of complete equality and
mutual benefit.
Today
our country is developing its economy by relying mainly on its own
technology, its own resources and on the efforts of its own cadres
and people; it is meeting the domestic needs for heavy and light
industrial goods and agricultural produce mainly with its own
products.
As
for our country’s economic relations with foreign countries, they
are those of filling each other’s needs and assisting each other on
the principles of complete equality and mutual benefit, and these
relations are manifested through foreign trade and in various other
ways.
Having
laid the solid foundations of an independent national economy, we
have come to possess our own economic basis for increasing the wealth
and power of the country and markedly raising the people’s living
standard, and have developed the capacity to expand and promote
economic cooperation with other countries. Our economic independence
also constitutes the reliable material basis for guaranteeing the
country’s political Chajusong and strengthening its defence
capabilities.
Along
with the establishment of Juche, the implementation of the mass line
has been one of the most important subjects in our Party’s
leadership of the revolution and construction work.
Believing
that the decisive guarantee for the acceleration of the socialist
revolution and the building of socialism consists of enlisting all
the creative energies of the masses of the people and offering full
scope for their enthusiasm, creative initiative and talents, our
Party has consistently held to the revolutionary mass line in all its
activities.
Our
Party has been able to achieve great successes in the socialist
revolution and the building of socialism by relying on the great
revolutionary enthusiasm and inexhaustible creative powers of
our people who, taking their destiny in their own hands, go all out
to build a new life. The Party, always placing faith in the popular
masses, consulted them and enlisted their forces and wisdom in
overcoming any difficulties and trials it encountered.
We
have also successfully carried out many large and difficult
construction projects by launching mass campaigns. The
let-each-machine-tool-make-more movement, the building of local
industry factories, enormous nature-remaking projects for
irrigation, and the reconstruction of towns and villages which
had been reduced to rubble—all this was carried out through mass
campaigns, through all-people drives.
In
our country, science and technology are also developing rapidly in a
mass movement through creative cooperation between the scientists and
technicians on the one hand and the workers and peasants on the
other; literature and the arts are also flourishing gloriously
through the amalgamation of the activities of professional writers
and artists with the literary and artistic activities of the broad
masses.
The
practice of relying on the masses and rousing the broad masses to
activity is a revolutionary and positive method, and it makes it
possible to mobilize all potentialities and possibilities to the
fullest in the revolution and construction.
The
Marxist-Leninist party must implement the mass line at all times,
both before and after seizing power, both in the revolutionary
struggle and in construction work. And the danger of going back on
the mass line increases once the party seizes power. Upon its
foundation after liberation, our Party assumed the leadership of the
government, and many of our officials had had little experience in
the revolutionary struggle and mass work in the past. It was,
therefore, a particularly important matter for us to improve their
method and style of work to carry out the mass line.
Our
Party has waged a vigorous ideological struggle to eliminate
bureaucracy and establish the revolutionary mass viewpoint amongst
officials. The Party has made tireless efforts to induce all
officials to acquire the revolutionary work method of going deep
among the masses, consulting them, deriving strength and wisdom from
them and mobilizing them to fulfil the tasks which lie ahead.
The
method of work which is called the Chongsanri method in our country,
is precisely the embodiment and development of our Party’s mass
line in conformity with the new realities of socialist construction.
Fundamentally the Chongsanri method consists in the fact that the
higher bodies help the lower ones, superiors help their subordinates,
political work is given priority and the masses are roused to carry
out the revolutionary tasks.
Through
the spread of the Chongsanri method, we have decisively improved the
officials’ method and style of work and brought about a big change
in the work of the Party, state and economic bodies.
To
give priority to political work is the most important thing in
drawing out the revolutionary zeal and creative energy of the masses
of the people.
Communists
always fight in defence of the people’s interests and for their
happiness. To this end, the broad masses of the people should be
awakened and mobilized. One of the intrinsic advantages of socialism
is that under this system the working people, freed from exploitation
and oppression, display voluntary enthusiasm and creative initiative
in their work for the country and society and for their own welfare.
To
conduct political work well among the masses and thereby induce them
to perform the revolutionary tasks voluntarily is, therefore, a
powerful method of work stemming from the inherent character of
communists and from the very nature of the socialist system.
It
is basically wrong to concentrate only on economic and technological
work while neglecting political work, and to lay stress on material
incentives only, without raising the political and ideological
consciousness of the working people.
Our
Party has firmly adhered to
the
principle
of
giving priority
to
political
work in all matters.
In
carrying out any revolutionary task we began by thoroughly explaining
and bringing home to all the Party members and the masses the Party’s
policy with regard to the task and made sure that they held mass
discussions about ways and means of executing the Party’s policy
and strove to carry it through with a high degree of political
consciousness and enthusiasm. To raise the class awareness of the
working people and their level of political and ideological
consciousness, we have also briskly carried on communist education
among them in combination with education in the Party’s policies
and our revolutionary traditions.
Political
work is precisely work with people, and it is basic to Party work.
Lacking the Party’s leadership, the masses cannot be mobilized, nor
can socialism and communism be built. Only on the basis of increasing
the leading role of the Party and constantly strengthening Party work
in all spheres, have we been able to succeed in carrying out the
principle of giving priority to political work.
By
energetically carrying on political work, work with people, which is
the basis of Party work, we have been able to lead our working people
to display a high degree of revolutionary enthusiasm and creative
energy and to inspire them to mass heroism and mass enthusiasm for
labour.
To
raise the Party’s leading role and give definite priority to
political work, combining this properly with economic and
technological work, and to raise the working people’s political
awakening and level of consciousness steadily in proper combination
with material incentives, is the basic method our Party employs in
mobilizing the masses for socialist construction.
To
educate and remould the masses of all walks of life and unite them
solidly around the Party was very important in carrying out our
Party’s mass line.
The
political unity and solidarity of the people in the northern half of
the Republic is not only the decisive guarantee for building a new
life there, but is also one of the basic factors in reunifying the
country and achieving the victory of the Korean revolution.
Our
Party has consistently and tirelessly worked to rally the people of
all walks of life in the northern half closely around it and to
convert our revolutionary base into a stronger political force.
The
protracted colonial rule of Japanese imperialism, the partition of
the country and, particularly, the enemy’s alienation manoeuvrings
during the war, have made the social and political composition of the
population of our country very complex. However, we cannot make a
revolution with only perfect people, casting aside all those whose
social status and social and political life are complicated.
Therefore,
our Party, closely combining the class line with the mass line, has
followed the policy of winning over to the side of revolution
everybody save the handful of malicious elements. Under conditions
where the socialist system had already triumphed and the Party’s
force had grown extensively and its authority and prestige had become
unshakably established among the masses, we considered it possible to
educate and reform everyone, except the confirmed reactionaries with
a hostile class origin.
And
so we boldly trusted and embraced even those whose social status and
records of social and political life were checkered, and guaranteed
them conditions for working in peace, provided that they now
supported our Party and showed enthusiasm in their work.
Experience
has fully confirmed the correctness of this policy of our Party.
By
carrying through the policy we have been able to re-educate the broad
masses from all walks of life and are continuing to do so. Although
the composition of our population is complex and we are facing the
enemy at close range, our Party has today firmly united the mass of
the people around it, and a cheerful, optimistic atmosphere prevails
in our society.
The
all-people Chollima Movement which has been under way with unabated
vigour in our country is the most brilliant embodiment of our Party’s
mass line.
The
Chollima Movement represents a mass drive which organically fuses
collective innovations in economic and cultural construction with the
work of re-educating the working people. Through the Chollima
Movement all the wisdom, enthusiasm and creative energy of our people
are brought into full play, innovations are effected in all spheres
of the economy, culture, thought and morality, and the building of
socialism in our country is greatly accelerated.
The
Chollima Movement is the general line of our Party in socialist
construction. The essence of this line is to unite all the working
people more firmly around the Party by changing them through
education in communist ideas and to give ample scope to their
revolutionary fervour and creative talents so as to build socialism
better and faster.
We
will continue to expand the Chollima Movement and develop it in
depth, and so further expedite the building of socialism in the
northern half of our country.
5.
ON THE SOUTH KOREAN REVOLUTION
Inasmuch
as it is a revolution for liberating one half of the territory and
two-thirds of the population of our country still under the control
of foreign imperialism, the revolution in south Korea constitutes an
important part of the Korean revolution as a whole. For the
reunification of our country and the victory of the Korean
revolution, it is necessary to consolidate the revolutionary forces
in south Korea while strengthening he socialist forces in the north
and carry out the revolution in south Korea while promoting socialist
construction in the north.
Since
the first days of their occupation of south Korea, the US
imperialists have pursued a policy of military aggression and
colonial enslavement. As a result, south Korea has been completely
turned into a colony, a military base of the US imperialists.
The
south Korean “regime”, since it is a puppet regime installed by
he US imperialists by force of arms, is nothing but a docile
instrument for executing the instructions of its US overlords.
Through
this puppet regime and with their so-called “aid” as bait, the US
imperialists have placed all the political, economic, cultural and
military spheres of south Korea under their control.
Using
the slogan of “joint defence” as a pretext they have directly
thrown the US aggressive forces, nearly 60,000 strong, into south
Korea. Not only that, but the US army commander holds full power of
command over the south Korean army in the name of the so-called
“Commander of he UN Forces”.
The
US troops who are occupying south Korea insult and barbarously
massacre innocent people. They have introduced nuclear and rocket
weapons into south Korea, thus converting it into their military base
for aggression and constantly jeopardizing peace in Korea.
The
US imperialists’ “aid” to south Korea serves as a major means
of aggression and plunder.
They
gave some 12,000 million dollars in “aid”
to
south Korea between 1945 and 1964, of which 3,600 million dollars
were economic “aid” and all the rest, military.
The
US imperialists’ military “aid” goes to meet part of the
military expenditure for the upkeep of the more than 600,000 strong
puppet army of south Korea. This is a mercenary army geared entirely
to the US imperialists’ policy of aggression. The upkeep of one
division of the south Korean puppet army costs the US imperialists as
little as only a twenty-fifth of the upkeep of a US army division.
Thus, by forcibly conscripting young and middle-aged south Koreans
and using them for their aggressive purposes, the US imperialists are
“saving” themselves enormous sums in war expenses, while imposing
heavy burdens of military expenditure on the south Korean people.
Also, by keeping the huge puppet army in their service in place of
their own troops, they give the south Korean army a semblance of
serving some sort of national interests and pass themselves off as
some kind of “helpers”.
The
economic “aid” of the US imperialists, too, is nothing but a
means to subordinate the economy of south Korea to their ends of
military aggression and colonial plunder. By incorporating “aid
funds” into the puppet government’s budget, the US imperialists
have obtained a tight grip on the “government” budget and,
through the supply of those funds, control the banking organizations
and enterprises in south Korea. In this way they control 45 to 50 per
cent of south Korea’s financial budget and 30 per cent of its
banking funds, and monopolize 70 to 80 per cent of its raw material
supply and 80 per cent of its import trade. Today the south Korean
economy is tied up inextricably to the United States; the financial
and economic organizations and enterprises in south Korea are in a
position where they will have to stop operations the moment US
imperialist “aid” is cut off.
All
this convincingly shows that US imperialism is the real ruler in
south Korea.
In
order to secure a more favourable foothold for their colonial
domination following their occupation of south Korea, the US
imperialists reorganized part of the socio-economic relations in
south Korea.
In
their aggression against south Korea, they attached prime importance
to the fostering of comprador capital, which was to play the role of
middleman in the disposal of the surplus goods from their country,
and of guide for the penetration of US private capital, the agent in
their plunder of the resources and local purveyor of some war
materials.
They
built up the position of comprador capital by such means as landing
over the properties formerly owned by Japanese imperialists to
private capitalists and speculators for a mere song or enabling them
to amass exorbitant profits through the monopoly of the rights to
purchase and sell the “aid” goods the US imperialists dumped in
south Korea. Thus, today some 500 comprador capitalists account for
about 40 per cent of south Korea’s manufacturing industries, around
80 per cent of its mining industry and more than 50 per cent of its
foreign trade, whereas during Japanese imperialist rule the share of
south Korea’s comprador capital in the composition of its key
industries was barely 6 per cent.
The
US imperialists have preserved intact the feudal exploiting system in
the south Korean countryside which is favourable to their colonial
domination and pillage. They enforced so-called “agrarian reform”
in south Korea, but this was no more than a piece of trickery
designed to quell the demand for land on the part of the south Korean
peasants who had been inspired by the agrarian reform in north Korea.
Even after the enforcement of this “agrarian reform” the feudal
relations of exploitation remain as predominant as ever in the south
Korean rural areas and the peasants’ economy has become even more
fragmented than before.
Today,
about 100,000 landlords hold 40 per cent of the total area under
cultivation and exploit 1,400,000 peasant households in south
Korea.
These peasants have to pay farm rents ranging from 50 to 60 per cent
of their harvests, and most of them are held in bondage to the
landlords and rich farmers through loans at usurious rates of
interests.
US
imperialism thus set up a system of colonial rule following its
occupation of south Korea and, on this basis, has been enforcing an
unheard-of military dictatorship over the people.
In
south Korea, policemen and bureaucrats alone number more than
155,000. At present, 370,000 special political agents have been
unleashed against the people there.
This
colonial-type social, political and economic system has become
fetters hindering the development of the economy and the
democratization of social life in south Korea.
South
Korea’s national economy is now totally bankrupt and the level of
its industrial production stands at no more than 85 per cent of what
it was at the time of liberation.
South
Korea’s agriculture is likewise in an acute crisis. Agricultural
output has dropped to two-thirds of what it was at the time of
liberation. South Korea, once known as the granary of our country,
has now become an area of chronic famine which has to import 800,000
to 1,000,000 tons of cereals every year.
Today
there are roughly seven million unemployed and semi-unemployed in
south Korea, and every year more than one million peasant households
suffer from lack of food during the spring shortages.
The
national culture and the beautiful manners and good customs peculiar
to the Korean people are utterly trampled underfoot and the decadent
and degenerate American way of life is corrupting all that is sound
in social life.
The
people are denied all political rights and are living under a reign
of terrorism and tyranny.
This
economic catastrophe and the wretched social position of the people
in south Korea have produced acute social, class and national
contradictions.
The
basic contradiction in south Korean society at the present stage is
the contradiction between US imperialism and its accomplices—the
landlords, comprador capitalists and reactionary bureaucrats—on the
one hand and the workers, peasants, urban petty bourgeois and
national capitalists on the other.
Therefore,
to attain freedom and liberation, the people in south Korea must
drive out the US imperialist forces of aggression and destroy their
accomplices—the landlords, comprador capitalists and reactionary
bureaucrats. Of these US imperialism is the No. 1 target of struggle
for the south Korean people.
There
can be no freedom and liberation for the people or social progress,
nor can the reunification of our country be achieved, until the US
imperialist aggressive troops are driven out and its colonial rule is
abolished in south Korea.
The
revolution in south Korea is a national-liberation revolution against
the foreign imperialist forces of aggression, and a democratic
revolution against the forces of feudalism.
The
motive force of this revolution in south Korea is the working class
and its most reliable ally, the peasantry, and the students,
intellectuals and people of the small-propertied classes who are
opposed to the imperialist and feudal forces. The national
capitalists, too, can take part in he anti-imperialist, anti-feudal
struggle.
Our
Party, with support of the socialist forces in north Korea, has all
along been waging a stubborn struggle to carry out the
anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution in south Korea by
mobilizing all its patriotic, democratic forces.
The
path ahead for the south Korean revolution is beset with many
difficulties and obstacles.
The
occupation of south Korea by the aggressive army of US imperialism
and its policy of aggression are the cause of the complex, arduous
and protracted nature of both the revolution in south Korea and the
Korean revolution as a whole.
The
US imperialists need south Korea for more than just a market for
their surplus goods and a supply base for strategic resources. They
also need it as the logistical base for the occupation of the whole
of Korea, as a bridgehead for hostile activities against the Soviet
Union and the People’s Republic of China and for aggression on the
Asian continent, and, further, as an important strategic point for
world domination.
That
is why the US imperialists have stationed in south Korea more than
half of their Pacific ground forces, although they have been driven
to the wall and are tottering in all parts of the world today.
Thus,
the revolution in south Korea has as the object of its struggle such
a powerful enemy as US imperialism, the most ferocious and insidious
of all.
South
Korea is the gathering place and the haunt of domestic reactionaries.
In
contrast to north Korea, the remnants of Japanese imperialism were
not liquidated in south Korea after liberation. With a view to
establishing a foothold for their colonial domination the US
imperialists actively protected and rallied the remaining forces of
Japanese imperialism. The former pro-Japanese forces have now
turned into pro-American forces, and these have grown still ranker.
Moreover,
as the revolutionary struggle was intensified and the
counter-revolutionary elements were dealt with in north Korea, some
of the landlords, comprador capitalists, pro-Japanese lackeys,
traitors to the nation, wicked bureaucrats and fascist elements fled
to south Korea and joined the reactionary forces there.
In
addition, many of the reactionary forces which had been scattered in
foreign lands wormed their way into south Korea.
The
domestic reactionary forces thus formed the counterrevolutionary
forces together with outside forces, and set themselves against the
revolutionary forces.
“Anti-communist”
ideas are also deeply rooted in south Korea. The petty bourgeoisie
made up the majority of the population and the cultural level of the
masses was very low and, in addition, Japanese imperialism had
maliciously spread “anti-communist” ideas for 36 years, and after
liberation US imperialism and its lackeys further stepped up their
“anti-communist” propaganda.
During
the Fatherland Liberation War the People’s Army advanced and
ideologically enlightened the people in the liberated areas to a
certain extent, but their influence was not great because they were
there for only a short period of time.
As
a result, a considerable proportion of the people in south Korea ire
still taken in by the enemy’s “anti-communist” propaganda, and
this is a big obstacle to the development of the revolution there.
Because
of all these circumstances, the revolution in south
Korea
must
naturally be carried out under very difficult conditions and take
many twists and turns.
Notwithstanding
this, the people of south Korea have been waging an unremitting
struggle, from liberation to the present time, against the colonial
fascist rule of US imperialism and its lackeys and for their right to
live, for democracy and the reunification of the country.
Immediately
after the August 15 liberation the working-class movement surged
forward rapidly in south Korea, and under its impact
the
struggle
of the people of all walks of life also gained momentum.
Inspired
by the successes of the revolution in the northern half,
the
people
in south Korea fought resolutely against the US imperialist policy of
colonial enslavement and for the independence and sovereignty of the
country and for the introduction of democratic reforms of the kind
which had been carried out in the north.
The
general strike called by the south Korean workers in September 1946
for food, higher wages, an immediate halt to every kind of cruel
oppression by the US military government, and the enactment of a
democratic labour law, developed into an all-people anti-US
resistance struggle in October, involving about 2,300,000 patriotic
people.
Even
after that, the anti-US, save-the-nation struggle of the people in
south Korea continued vigorously, including the February 7 struggle
in 948 for national salvation3
against the entry of the “UN Temporary Commission on Korea” which
had been engineered by US imperialism and the struggle against the
May 10 separate elections4
designed to ruin he nation.
Action
was also taken by the puppet army soldiers. For example, in October
1948 a mutiny broke out at Ryosu in protest against the repression
and barbarous slaughter of people by the US imperialists and their
lackeys; even the local people joined in, the puppet government
offices were destroyed and for a time the city of Ryosu was entirely
occupied.
These
struggles showed that the people in south Korea were strongly opposed
to the US imperialist policy of colonial enslavement and the
traitorous acts of the domestic reactionaries and were resolutely
demanding freedom and independence for their country and the
establishment of a democratic system; they abundantly demonstrated
the revolutionary spirit and great strength of the masses of the
people.
The
struggle of the south Korean people, however, experienced a temporary
setback because of the setting up of a separate, puppet regime in
south Korea in May 1948 and because of the fascist policies pursued
thereafter by the US imperialists and the Syngman Rhee clique.
The
US imperialists and the Syngman Rhee clique mobilized
US army
units equipped with the newest weapons to put down the mass movement
and perpetrated barbarous acts, arresting, imprisoning and murdering
patriotic people at will.
The
US imperialists also manoeuvred craftily to split and break up the
revolutionary forces from within by using the factionalists and spies
who had infiltrated the leadership of the Workers’ Party of South
Korea at the time. As a result, the Party organizations were totally
destroyed and the revolutionary forces were then dispersed in south
Korea.
The
struggle of the south Korean people gradually embarked
upon
the
road of a new advance in the postwar years.
After
the war, inspired by the successes in socialist construction in the
north, the people in south Korea kept up a staunch struggle for
democratic liberties and rights against US imperialism and its
stooges.
The
massive Popular Uprising in April 1960, in which the student youth of
south Korea played the central role, overthrew the puppet government
of Syngman Rhee, an old minion of US imperialism. This was an initial
victory in the south Korean people’s struggle, and it dealt a heavy
blow to the colonial rule of US imperialism.
The
collapse of the puppet Syngman Rhee government signified, above all,
the bankruptcy of all its anti-popular policies and its notorious
“march north” outcry.
In
their heroic struggle the people of south Korea demonstrated the
revolutionary mettle of the Korean people, gained valuable experience
id lessons and were greatly awakened politically.
After
the April Popular Uprising, the situation in south Korea rapidly
developed in favour of the revolution, and the masses became ore
courageous to fight against US imperialism and its lackeys, for the
dependent, peaceful reunification of the country.
Thus,
the struggle of the people in south Korea, under the banner
“Reunification is the only way of life,” began to develop into a
struggle to tear down the barrier between the north and the south.
The
US imperialists, greatly alarmed by these developments in south Korea
after the April Popular Uprising, engineered a military coup by ding
and abetting the fascist elements within the military, and
stage-managed the insidious plot of replacing the Chang Myon
“regime”,
the
second puppet regime, by the fascist Pak Jung Hi military “regime”.
This,
however, has only resulted in the further aggravation of the crisis
in the US imperialist system of colonial rule.
Last
year witnessed another large-scale anti-imperialist, anti-fascist
struggle of the student youth in south Korea.
This
struggle started in opposition to the renewed aggression by Japanese
militarism and for upsetting the “ROK-Japan talks”. Gradually it
assumed an anti-“government” character and developed into a
struggle to topple the Pak Jung Hi “regime”.
This
patriotic, progressive struggle of the student youth, which lasted
more than 70 days from March 24 to June 5, dealt another heavy blow
to
the
Pak Jung Hi clique and the US imperialists.
While
intensifying the policy of fascist repression and terror against the
people at home so as to crush the advance of the student youth and
the masses of the people today, the US imperialists and the Pak Jung
Hi “regime” hasten to team up with the Japanese militarists
abroad and, further, make frantic efforts to establish an
“anti-communist” joint Northeast Asia defence system.
With
these manoeuvres, however, the US imperialists and the Pak Jung Hi
“regime” can never cope with the ever-worsening crisis of their
colonial rule, nor can they break the patriotic spirit of the people
in south Korea who oppose US imperialist colonial rule and are
striving to achieve the freedom and independence of their country.
In
south Korea today, the antagonism between democracy and reaction,
between the patriotic revolutionary forces and the imperialist forces
of aggression is becoming more acute, and the imperialist and
reactionary forces become more isolated and weakened with each
passing day.
The
national and class awakening of the people is gradually heightened,
their anti-US sentiments are rising fast, and the trend towards
independent, peaceful reunification is growing among them by the day.
In the course of the struggle, the people in south Korea are tempered
constantly, accumulate rich political experience and are united in a
more organized way.
At
the present stage the basic policy of the revolution in south Korea
is to protect the revolutionary forces from the enemy’s repression
and, meanwhile, to accumulate and expand these forces steadily,
thereby preparing to cope with the great revolutionary event to come.
The
most important thing to this end is to build a strong revolutionary
party and prepare the main force of the revolution in south Korea. To
build the main force of the revolution means uniting around the party
the main classes which can be mobilized for the revolution—namely
the workers and the peasants.
In
south Korea at present, the nuclear ranks of revolutionaries armed
with Marxism-Leninism are growing, the class awakening of the workers
and peasants is raised and the revolutionary force is expanding
steadily among them.
It
is important to form a united front with all classes and levels on
the basis of building a revolutionary party and closely uniting the
workers, peasants and other sections of the working people.
The
south Korean revolutionaries direct special attention to combining
the struggle of the workers and peasants with that of the young
people, students
and
intellectuals and, at the same time, endeavour to form a broad
anti-US, save-the-nation united front comprising all classes and
social levels.
The
growth and strengthening of the revolutionary forces and the
formation and consolidation of the anti-US, save-the-nation united
front can be realized successfully only when an extensive mass
struggle is launched. Our Party actively supports, encourages and
inspires all forms of progressive, patriotic mass movement afoot in
south Korea.
In
the final analysis, the revolution in south Korea can triumph only
through the growth of the revolutionary forces of the south Korean
people and their decisive struggle. Through this fight the people in
south Korea will be further awakened and schooled and will eventually
grow into an invincible revolutionary force. Thus, when the hour
strikes they will assuredly drive out the US imperialists, crush
their lackeys, and carry the revolution to victory.
The
revolution in south Korea, no matter what method is employed, can
emerge victorious only when the revolutionary forces are
strengthened. Needless to say, once US imperialism is driven out and
the evolution triumphs in south Korea, the reunification of our
country will be achieved peacefully.
It
is the duty of our Party to do everything in its power to expedite
the growth of the revolutionary forces in the south and assist the
south Korean people in their revolutionary struggle.
It
can be said that the reunification of our country, the nationwide
victory of the Korean revolution, depend, after all, on the
preparation of three major forces.
First,
to strengthen our revolutionary base politically, economically and
militarily by successfully building socialism in the northern half of
the Republic;
Second,
to strengthen the revolutionary forces in south Korea by politically
awakening and closely uniting the people there;
Third,
to strengthen the solidarity of the Korean people with the
international revolutionary forces.
Our
Party is fighting unremittingly to strengthen these three
revolutionary forces.
It
is of great importance for the victory of our revolution that the
Korean people strengthen their solidarity with the international
revolutionary forces and internationally isolate and weaken the
US imperialist aggressors.
Our
Party is holding fast to the line of uniting firmly with the peoples
of the socialist countries and actively supporting, and strengthening
our solidarity with, the peoples of the newly independent states who
are opposed to imperialist aggression, and the peoples of all
countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America who are fighting to throw
off the yoke of imperialism. We are endeavouring to strengthen our
solidarity with the progressive people of the whole world.
In
this regard it is very important to strengthen unity with the Asian,
African and Latin-American peoples and, in particular, to fight in
unity with all the Asian peoples to drive the US imperialists out of
Asia.
The
anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist struggle of the communists and
people of Indonesia is conducive to this common struggle of the Asian
peoples.
The
Korean people attach great value on their ties and solidarity with
the communists and people of Indonesia, and actively support their
revolutionary struggle.
Holding
high the banner of revolution, the communists and peoples of our two
countries will always fight in close unity against the aggressive
forces of US-led imperialism, for national independence, socialism
and peace.
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