Who is Behind the
Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in North Korea?
Everyone interested in the Korean peninsula and following a few Western
media outlets has probably heard, these last days, of the Commission on Human
Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK – North Korea),
created on March 21, 2013 by a resolution of the UN Council on Human Rights
Made public on Feb. 17, 2014, the conclusions of the Commission are devastating
to the DPRK since the report calls for the appearance of the North Korean
leaders before the International Criminal Court (ICC) - a highly unlikely
event, however, given the opposition of China, a member of the UN Security
Council.
Therefore, what is the real purpose of this report, conveniently published,
as so often is the case when it comes to human rights in North Korea, at a
moment of relative relaxation on the peninsula, and more than one month ahead
of the original publication schedule?
In fact, the work of the Commission of Inquiry is very largely a sketch
drawn from that carried out by a group of forty associations, foremost among
which is the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (English, Committee for
Human Rights in North Korea, HRNK).
The "investigations " of HRNK are highly controversial for
their lack of reliability, HRNK is not a judicial organization which guarantees
the professionalism and independence expected in a court, even a private court,
but rather one of the many outpourings of the American neo-conservative sphere
in the wake of the "Axis of Evil” speech of George W. Bush, which
tirelessly seeks the collapse of regimes deemed enemies of the United States.
Having worked hand in hand with the HRNK, the UN Commission of Inquiry
has consistently espoused its conclusions written in advance from it, and thus
is not required to conduct face-to-face hearings or with people, the so called
victims of acts committed by the North Korean authorities, nor to conduct an
adversarial investigation with the North Korean authorities in question – as an
uncontested judicial body would have done.
There are acknowledgments of fatherhood, which may be painful. The noisy
satisfaction of HRNK -- a self-proclaimed American Association for the Defence
of Human Rights in North Korea, in reality a neo-conservative lobby – at
finding in the report of the Commission on Human Rights in DPRK its own work
and conclusions is a damning admission that the UN Council of Human Rights,
like its predecessor, an instrument in the game of states and lobbies.
The Council establishes itself as a tool of American power to justify,
in the North Korean, case a sanctions regime whose populations are the prime
victims, if not the only victims.
For, the argument of human rights is used only in one direction: to
justify the use of all means, both legal and illegal, against some states whose
main fault is not to yield to the US will, when other countries, Saudi Arabia,
or yesterday, Pinochet's Chile, are conveniently exempt from criticism by the
same defenders of human rights. Even if the practice is as old as diplomacy, it
is curious to see media such as the French Communist daily, L'Humanité, do
promotion of American neoconservatives, without any critical analysis of the
reliability of sources.
Having fully achieved its objectives, HRNK no longer has to hide the efficacy
of its lobbying. Let’s recall that one of the founders of HRNK, in 2001, is
Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute, the neoconservative
think tank which invented the concept of Axis of Evil dear to George W. Bush.
HRNK is co-directed by Suzanne Scholte, who is nostalgic for Ronald
Reagan. She is a member of several neo-conservative
organizations and founder of the Foundation for Defense Forum, an "NGO" funded until 2001 by
Donald Rumsfeld.
The first Special Rapporteur for North Korea appointed by the Commission
on Human Rights of the United Nations (predecessor of the Council of Human
Rights of the United Nations), designated Vittit Muntarbhorn in 2004, who then
became a prominent member of HRNK.
And it is HNRK which pleaded for years for the Council of Human Rights
of the United Nations created the Commission of Inquiry for the Human Rights of
the United Nations , to which he provided much of the material and recycled it
without any adversarial scrutiny of their probative value. Even the name of the
commission d is almost identical to that of the NGOs, introducing an
intentional confusion on its official character that it wants to be given to the
aforementioned NGO.
HNRK is the pivot of forty associations grouped in the International
Coalition to Stop Crimes against Humanity in North Korea (International
Coalition to Stop Crimes against Humanity in North Korea, ICNK ) . ICNK is very
active in publishing new "revelations" about human rights in North
Korea where one can dialogue with the DPRK could lead to out of its isolation ,
which is unacceptable for ICNK activists neoconservatives who have made their
credo of the Axis of Evil by George W. Bush
One of ICNK operations occurred in spring 2012 , when there was
political change in France : ICNK met with President François Hollande and Socialist
leaders and diplomats close to the Socialist Party at the Quai d' Orsay, while quickly
publishing two shocking books on human rights in North Korea whose promotion
was particularly supported in our country: Camp
Survivor #14: From North Korean Hell to Freedom and North Korea: Nine Years to Escape Hell. The objective was to forget
the successful image of DPR Korea crated by the presentation in France of the Unhasu
orchestra, and also to forestall any possible sympathy for the socialist
government of North Korea after the change of leadership in 1981, following the
election of François Mitterrand, just as the South Korean government had feared.
Coming back to the serious scientific gaps in the circumstances in which
the inquiry was conducted, and in particular to the dubious testimony of Shin
Dong-hyuk in Camp Survivor #14 the UN Commission
contented itself merely to find fault with whatever was suggested in the line of
the campaigners at ICNK and HNRK.
Konstantin Asmolov, Russian researcher at the Center for Korean Studies
at the Institute for Far Eastern Studies, makes the following observations:
"How does the
commission work? The North Koreans did not let it enter. When it went to South
Korea, instead of face-to-face conversations with the witnesses, it organized
public hearings. At these public hearings there were 30 people who told all sorts
of horror stories. There was Shin Dong-hyuk who does not speak with a North
Korean accent, and whose hands are those of an intellectual rather than a
person who lived in a camp all his life. The commission has not conducted enough
private interviews in order to accuse
the government [of North Korea] of war crimes and famines. It was a show.
"
In an interview given to the daily La Croix , Jean-Vincent Brisset, a
researcher at the Institute of International and Strategic Relations (IRIS),
also highlights the serious scientific shortcomings of the report published by
the Commission on Human Rights in DPRK:
"This report raises serious
questions about the scientific method. It has been prepared without going to
North Korea, and solely on the basis of testimonies from people who say they
were victims of the regime. This is a strictly conditional statement[ ... ]
“For example, concerning
satellite images intended to prove the existence of the camps, I remember
seeing a few years ago, a number of other satellite images that tended to prove
that North Korea had a nuclear test and which were false, or were interpreted
the wrong way. [ ... ]
“Note: what the UN report
says is true enough as regards the abuses being committed. But to show only
that side, without placing it back in a broader context, destroys the validity
of the whole.
.
It should have spoken of how
the United States has dealt with the problem of North Korea, how it used North
Korea as a foil, how it prevented a number of achievements between North Korea
and South Korea.... This is a thirty-year story! There is only one notion about
North Korea, and the report is in line with this notion. This kind of report,
when it is done in a very serious manner, may be useful because it helps
solidify things that are in the nature of rumors. But this is rather a “mood“
report, which is made by interviewing only a part of the stakeholders. "
As a result, we share fully the finding that the report is not the
result of a process aimed at change on the issue of human rights, since its
efficacy would then have demanded the identification of discussion points with
North Korean authorities on specific topics where constructive dialogue can be
held.
This is, for example is what -- around the world, but not in North Korea
-- the French Ambassador for Human
Rights does, aware that no government in the world complies with good conduct
lessons that a foreign power can direct to it, even if it be under the guise of
the United Nations. This is also the approach adopted by the British
government, when for the first time it supported the participation of a North
Korean athlete at the Paralympics - with tangible results: the DPRK now more
actively communicates its actions against disability in its various forms.
In the matter of human rights as diplomacy, the France-Korea Friendship
Association believes this is no longer a time to practice a discriminatory
policy of double standards against DPR Korea and the North Korean people, taken
hostage by the lobbying of NGOs that are really disguised neo-conservative
organizations.
The activities of these bogus humanitarians (for they have never helped
the tiniest group of people in DPR Korea) have, for their sole purpose, the
strengthening the strictest sanctions regime in the world - with all the
negative consequences it has on the well-being of people, starting with the
right to food security.
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