Thursday, 25 October 2018

JUCHE AND CONFUCIANISM An incorrect conflation by Daniel Webster

This article is published in order to promote a greater understanding of the Juche idea and answer some myths. The views are those of the  author and does not nessecarily reflect those of the Juche Idea Study Group of England , nevertheless we are grateful to the author for this contribution.
 We would add that the Workers' Party of Korea always opposed confucianism as the speech made by great comrade Kim Il Sung  to the 5th Congress of the WPK shows to cite just one example

JUCHE AND CONFUCIANISM 
An incorrect conflation 

INTRODUCTION

There is much mud thrown at the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in regards to it being a ‘Confucianist’ nation, that the Workers’ Party of Korea, the state apparatus and therefore its guiding ideology, the Juche Ideology, pushes a Confucianist agenda. This belief stems from the general misunderstanding of Juche and also, I dare say an misunderstanding of Confucianism too.  Both ideas make reference to ‘family’ attributes, especially in regards to the role of the government as a ‘family’-like structure. When one delves into the philosophical nature of the Juche idea however, sharp distinctions can be found within its very fabric which not only separates it from Confucianism but actively rejects it along with any other idealistic religious ideas. 

Of course, we have to accept that confucianism was heavily engrained into the cultural fabric of the entire Korean nation. Confucianism on the Korean peninsula dates back to at least as early as the Koryo Dynasty. Both the DPR of Korea and the Republic of Korea have heavy Confucianist cultural influences and uprooting such influences is no easy feat when it has been a part of the Korean identity since the first century. 

At this juncture it is extremely important to clarify two essential points:

  1. Confucianism is not necessarily a negative idea, much like Christianity or Islam. Many societies have called themselves christian and have taken on vastly different characteristics. Fundamentally I do not think a socialist society with a strong Confucianist cultural character is any better or worse than a socialist society with christian cultural influences, see the USSR. Much like how communists do not consider capitalism under an Islamic state to be any better or worse than a capitalist state under christianity (In regards to the mode of production etc). It is therefore not in the interest of this analysis to argue one way or another about the merits and drawbacks of Confucianism itself. 
  2. In extension to the above, other nations (naturally the most significant given the context is the Republic of Korea) have a strong Confucianist character in its cultural life. Since the division of the peninsula the two nations have developed along different lines under significantly different modes of production. The simple question to be raised is why is one nation’s Confucianist cultural heritage considered a negative aspect of its society whilst the other is hardly ever taken into consideration at all?

I think the answer is likely obvious to most. For a long time Juche (and communist thought as a whole) has been attacked as being like a cult or religion. The idea of a personality cult reigns supreme and the inclusion of Confucianism as a criticism of the DPRK only helps cement the idea that Kim Il Sung , Kim Jong Il  Kim Jon -Un are gods amongst men. In regards to the claims of a personality cult the reader may perhaps come to reconsider their position on the matter over the course of this analysis. It is not however its primary task and therefore this topic will not be focused on in too much depth. The primary task of this analysis is to dispel the idea of the existence of a direct link between the Juche philosophy and Confucianism. In doing so it will hopefully shed fresh light onto the Juche idea for the reader and onto the governance of the DPRK as a whole. 

CONFUCIANISM AND ‘THE FAMILY’

The basic tenants of Confucianism in regards to the family is that the lesser being is subordinate to the higher being. The child is subordinate to the parent, the wife to the husband, the younger brother to the older and finally they are all subordinate to the nation’s ruler. The father of the state. 

Another essential element of Confucianism is to clarify its role within politics. The basic relationship between the nation’s ruler and subjects is simple. The people must respect the ruler’s supreme authority and in return the ruler will act with paternal love for his people and enact policies with their best interest at heart.

Finally, it is vital to note that each member of the Confucian society acts in accordance with their assigned role. A father IS a father, the King IS a King and those positions must be respected as such. 

JUCHE AND THE ‘FAMILY’

The ‘family’-like aspects of the Juche philosophy is summed up by Kim Jong-Il as follows:

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The ideas Kim Jong-Il is expressing is that in the establishment of the socialist society the contradictions between people, characterised by their relationship to the means of production, is eliminated. The equalisation of relations to the means of production coupled with the people’s dawning consciousness of their independence and creativity will inevitably result in a society based on the principles of respect, love and trust. The people of a society based on collectivism whilst respecting the individual requirements of each member of that collective will come to regard one-another as equals. No longer will people be alienated from social and economic life. 

‘The leader and his men, and the party and the people’ describes the relationship between the nation and the party. In socialism and communism, the party is the vanguard. This vanguard is the most advanced detachment of working class who have proven themselves to be the most class conscious members of society and have such approval by the collective. It is the collective who makes the active decision as to which members of that society can take on the role of leadership. 

Allow me to quote the communist manifesto:

‘The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.
-Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto.

It is the vanguard party which becomes the guiding force of society. The party which goes amongst the people and learns from them, educates them and delivers to them their needs and requirements. 

To quote from the manifesto again:

In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working class parties. They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole. They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the proletarian movement.’

This is a very important quote and can go a long way in explaining one of the reasons for the collapse of socialism in the USSR. The party can never become divorced from the masses of working people. The vanguard party must always be in close contact with the masses, they must see to it that the needs and desires of the collective are delivered. In regards to the vanguard party of the USSR Kim Il-Sung said:

"the unity of the Party and the popular masses was not realized. The Party’s degeneration and divorce from the people made it impossible for the Party to give political leadership to the revolution and construction, and for the people, the motive force of socialism, to play their role as they should and defend socialism from the anti-socialist offensive of the imperialists and reactionaries.
- Kim Il Sung, For the Accomplishment of the Socialist Cause

Kim Il-Sung recognised the abandonment of vanguard principles within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). This abandonment went counter to Marxist-Leninist ideas and gave-way to stagnation and the eventual collapse of socialism. The revolutionary spirit amongst the masses had also degenerated due to the divorce of the vanguard party and the working class. The  working class’ consciousness as independent and creative beings had withered away and what was left was a general apathy to socialist principles. 

To counter this, the DPRK employs a theory which Mao Zedong called the ‘mass line’. To put it simply the revolutionary party goes amongst the ordinary working people and collects an array of ideas, concerns, problems and so on. The party collates all of the information, interprets it within the scope of socialism and then provides a working solution. Finally, the party then returns to the masses and propagates these ideals thus the close bond between the party and the people, the leader and his men is always maintained. The party can later determine if their solutions to the masses’ problems were successful by continuing the process of the mass line, solving any and all problems when they arise.

This method is clearly referred to by Kim Il-Sung when he says:

‘Our Party’s traditional work method of leading the revolution and construction to victory by believing in the strength of the masses, always living among them, educating them and motivating them has found systematic expression in the Chongsanri spirit and Chongsanri method. The Chongsanri spirit and Chongsanri method we have established are the Juche-orientated principle and method of mass leadership, which are the application of the revolutionary mass line. On the basis of the Chongsanri spirit and Chongsanri method, our Party has established the Taean work system, the best system of managing the socialist economy. By the creation of the Chongsanri spirit and Chongsanri method and establishment of the Taean work system we have acquired a new mode of statecraft, the mode of genuine socialist statecraft, that accords with the intrinsic requirements of the socialist society.

We have always thoroughly implemented the revolutionary mass line in Party and state activities. That is why we have been able to overcome bureaucratism that may appear in the ruling party, convince the popular masses that they themselves are the masters of the socialist society, and realize an unbreakable unity of idea and purpose between the Party and the masses. In our country the Party and the masses in harmonious unity constitute the powerful motive force of the revolution, and all the people treasure the socialism they have built at the cost of their blood and sweat, as much as their lives. Socialism in our country, therefore, will not crumble.’
- Kim Il Sung, For the Accomplishment of the Socialist Cause

The trust between the two and the harmonious society it creates is built from the party’s ability to continuously implement policies which have been derived from the people themselves. Question at this point is why is this important when considering Confucianism and the Juche idea? The answer is simple. The equalisation of class relations, the creation of a vanguard party and its deep relationship with the working masses has played a huge role in the shaping of the DPRK’s society. It had created a working class of independent, creative and conscious beings who have an excellent relationship with those advanced members of society. The party-people relationship has always been strong, even during the days of the arduous march. 

Understanding the structure of the DPRK’s society is vital in order to answer of the question of it the Juche philosophy is Confucianist.

JUCHE AND RELIGION

Now that the relationship between the Korean masses and the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) has been explained it is now important to analyse the Juche philosophy’s stance towards religious idealism. 

Kim Jong-Il tackles this in ‘Socialism is a Science’, when explaining essential qualities of man he says:

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This rejection of divine intervention runs directly counter to the Confucianist idea of ‘Tien Ming’ or ‘The Mandate of Heaven’ which bears a similarity to the ‘Divine Right of Kings’. These concepts were used to legitimise their authority and power over their people. 

The DPRK does not however regard religion to be illegal or advocate the abolition of religion:

‘Citizens have freedom of religious belief. This right is granted through the approval of the construction of religious buildings and the holding of religious ceremonies.
Religion must not be used as a pretext for drawing in foreign forces or for harming the State or social order.’
-Article 68, Constitution of the DPRK

Citizens can freely express their religious belief and are protected from religious persecution. However, the constitution also reflects Kim Jong-Il’s words and the Juche philosophy as a whole. Religion as an idealistic view of the world can easily be used to justify bourgeois-reactionary attacks against the DPRK and therefore harm the collective. To this end the constitution stipulates that religion can in no way be used to damage the socialist state.

Some may decry this to be unfair, however as stated in this analysis’ introduction, since religion is an idealist view and since it can therefore be interpreted in many different ways it can be used to support the socialist state or run against it, it can be used to support the capitalist state or run against it. Kim Jong-Il’s above quote clearly illustrates that religion has been and is utilised by the bourgeoisie to justify its position as the exploiting class and to trample upon the people’s independence, creativity and especially its consciousness. 

Religion is a need of the individual. It can take its place within the collective but cannot form part of the collective itself. Why? Because it would then run counter to the individual needs of other members and therefore the collective would cease to be that. The individual’s place is recognised as equal within the collective but use of religion to harm the social order runs counter to the collectivist ideals of socialism and therefore is unacceptable. Within the DPRK there is a strong cultural influence of Confucianism. It is perfectly acceptable for this to be the case. There is a sizeable population of Buddhists and Christians too. They work in harmony with one another as members of the collective and individually enjoy their right to their belief.

HEAVEN 

Now that the DPRK’s organisation and the Juche philosophy’s view of religion has been explained it is finally time to put to bed the the belief that Juche is Confucianist. 

As earlier described, the ‘Mandate of Heaven’ (MH) is the Confucianist way of legitimising a ruler’s authority over their people. To reiterate, the MH is bestowed upon certain individuals who then become the agents of Heaven and must act in accordance with its wishes. Failure to do so would result in the ruler’s replacement (death, imprisonment, invasion etc.). This of course is open entirely to interpretation and abuse. In reality, the MH was essentially what would keep the masses happy at that time. The Mandate of Heaven in practice was the will of the people (in the loosest sense of meaning). Succeeding to crush a peasant rebellion would provide proof that the ruler was fulfilling the MH, being overthrown was proof of the opposite. 

Within Confucianist thought it is perfectly acceptable to consider a socialist government as being the agents of the MH and therefore it can be legitimised as such. The key difference being is that the socialist government will not return the claim. Much like a christian considering a socialist government to be doing ‘God’s work’ even if that government does not claim to be doing so. In extension, Confucianists can easily apply their doctrine to the socialist state much like christians doing similar. For example, many left-wing christians will see the teachings of Christ as a collectivist and possibly even communist viewpoint. Right-wing christians reject this entirely.

The socialist government of the DPRK is guided by the principles of the Juche philosophy which as already explained considers all religions as an individual right of each citizen. 

JUCHE V. CONFUCIANISM

The harmonious society created between the revolutionary vanguard and the people, which rejects religious idealism as a guiding ideology, promotes religious equality yet places limitations on its ability to encroach upon other’s rights and the rights of the collective as a whole is only achievable through the implementation of scientific socialism. 

The Juche philosophy is a universal philosophy, one which can be creatively applied to any country’s conditions. The realisation of a harmonious society under socialism and communism can be conflated from an idealistic point of view with Confucianism (Confucianists themselves can only make that conflation). It is important to remember that the Juche philosophy’s idea of a harmonious society where all are free to realise their independence and creativity is something grounded in scientific socialist thought. The harmony attained is of an empirical nature and can be achieved through an objective method. Confucianist harmonisation on the other hand is abstract. It may share some common ideals, for example, the eradication of crime but it cannot, and will not, provide an objective road to achieving such ends. 

CONCLUSION

To conclude, the differences between Juche and Confucianism should now be apparent to the reader. Conflating the two ideas is a reactionary idea which only serves as proof of a lack of understanding of the ideologies. Although they both may make mention of the harmony of society they, as explained, mean two completely different things with two completely different goals, methods and understandings. In the introduction of this analysis the question was asked:

why is one nation’s Confucianist cultural heritage considered a negative aspect of its society whilst the other is hardly ever taken into consideration at all?

 To conflate the two is a foolish criticism which serves no purpose except to give the illusion that the DPRK is some kind of new-age cult like that of Heaven’s Gate or Jonestown. It is only a fear-mongering tactic of the anti-DPRK camp to make the Juche idea and the DPRK as a whole seem like a scary, dangerous and brainwashed place. A place which needs to be smashed in order to achieve human progress. This kind of rhetoric does nothing more than to push the Imperialist interests on the peninsula.

Unfortunately there are socialists and communists who buy into the belief. The reason for this is because the Confucianist ideology does have a strong influence on Korean culture and therefore it is easier to believe when compared to other claims such as ‘You only have five different hair styles’. What is to be done about this? We as communists must push back against the imperialist slanders however we must understand the errors some comrades make. Those comrades must be corrected when they make error in the spirit of collectivism. 

To quote Mao Zedong:

Conscientious practice of self-criticism is still another hallmark distinguishing our Party from all other political parties. As we say, dust will accumulate if a room is not cleaned regularly, our faces will get dirty if they are not washed regularly. Our comrades' minds and our Party's work may also collect dust, and also need sweeping and washing. The proverb "Running water is never stale and a door-hinge is never worm-eaten" means that constant motion prevents the inroads of germs and other organisms. To check up regularly on our work and in the process develop a democratic style of work, to fear neither criticism nor self-criticism, and to apply such good popular Chinese maxims as "Say all you know and say it without reserve", "Blame not the speaker but be warned by his words" and "Correct mistakes if you have committed them and guard against them if you have not" - this is the only effective way to prevent all kinds of political dust and germs from contaminating the minds of our comrades and the body of our Party.’
-Mao Zedong, On Coalition Government, Collected Works Vol. III.

We must continue the practice of criticism and self-criticism. Nobody is above it or below it. If you falter, learn from it and correct yourself. If a comrade falters, enter into discussion of why such and such an idea is incorrect. Always enter into discussion with comradeship and objectivity as only the constant motion of debate, discussion, study, struggle, criticism and self-criticism 
 will fight against the forces of reaction. 






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